CTAC_P wrote:Daniel,
и к чему это? Кризис, кстати, тоже бабахнул в феврале.
A я думал в августе. Это просто показывает политику ИМФ по отношению к России.
А вот еще интересная позиция Heritage Foundation
CHRONOLOGY OF THE MELTDOWN
Russia's stock market had performed spectacularly well, rising 150 percent during the period June 1996-June 1997. In the fall of 1997, however, the Asian economic flu caused a bout of pneumonia on the Russian stock exchange. Moscow's financial markets went into a tailspin, and foreign investors began to withdraw. The poor economic situation in Russia was exacerbated by falling oil prices (oil and gas are responsible for up to 75 percent of Russia's foreign currency earnings); a government deficit in excess of 7 percent of the GDP; a punitively high tax rate combined with an inefficient and ineffective tax collection system; and crime, corruption, and crony capitalism.
The situation deteriorated in late May 1998. The economy almost collapsed on May 27, when foreign and domestic investors panicked and began to sell government bonds, corporate stocks, and rubles. In a desperate attempt to defend the ruble and offset the mass exodus of foreign investors, the Russian Central Bank hiked the interest rates on government bonds to an astronomical 200 percent per year and expended large amounts of Russia's foreign exchange reserves in purchasing rubles. To support the ruble, the Central Bank sold $1 billion in one day, causing its hard currency reserves to dwindle to $14 billion. It became obvious that the Central Bank could not support the currency forever and that it was only a matter of time until the government had to borrow even more funds to support the ruble.
Some economists, such as Andrei Illarionov, the Director of the Moscow-based Institute of Economic Analysis, 3 predicted the ruble's devaluation and called for measures to manage this inevitable development in an orderly fashion. They were not heeded. 4 Instead, then-Prime Minister Kirienko called upon former First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoly Chubais to negotiate yet another bailout package with the IMF.
Several factors contributed to the drop in foreign investor confidence in the spring and early summer of 1998. The communist-dominated State Duma passed legislation prohibiting foreign ownership of more than 25 percent of the stock of Unified Energy Systems (UES), the national electrical monopoly, at a time when foreign ownership already was over 28 percent. Foreign investors also became jittery when a huge government-owned oil company with oil reserves worth tens of billions of dollars that was slated to be privatized failed to attract any buyers at the asking price of $2.1 billion.
Oil prices dropped approximately 30 percent between 1997 and 1998, severely decreasing the earnings of Russia-based companies as well as government receipts. Investors also began to take serious notice of the rampant corruption and nepotism in Russia. For example, highly lucrative short-term government bonds (the so-called GKOs) were snapped up by several well-connected Russian banks, while the broad masses of Russians had no opportunity to purchase them.
WHO IS RESPONSIBLE?
Both Russia and the IMF are responsible for the Russian debacle. Russia's fault lies in the government's chronic refusal to reform. The Russian government has been aware of the problems in its economy and what is needed to fix them for at least five years. Because of mismanagement, inertia, and outright corruption, such vital changes as trimming the budget, overhauling the tax code and tax collection, land reform, and otherwise providing conditions to stem capital flight and attract foreign investment have not been implemented.
The fault of the IMF lies in its willingness to provide successive bailouts regardless of whether they achieve the desired results. When asked at a July 13 press conference whether the IMF would refrain from new lending because of reduced liquidity, IMF Treasurer David Williams responded, "[W]e never say no."
Russia is a prime example of how this can lead to disastrous results. Since 1992 (and before the most recent $22.6 billion bailout), the IMF lent Russia over $18 billion. With each loan, the IMF required Russia to adopt economic reforms. Even though Moscow rarely fulfilled its promises, the IMF continued to disperse tranche after tranche. In other words, the cheap credits allowed Russia to delay reforms, while the IMF rewarded Moscow for not reforming.
This pattern is being repeated in the current bailout. Despite the devaluation of the ruble and the Duma's refusal to pass the majority of IMF-mandated reforms, Michel Camdessus' August 17 statement merely remarked that
[Russia's] measures and their potential impact will immediately be analyzed by the staff and management of the IMF.... I hope that the government's economic program will continue to be implemented in full, so that the economic and financial situation will improve and the IMF can be in a position to disburse the second tranche....
THE CAUSES OF RUSSIA'S ECONOMIC FAILURE
The causes for pessimism about Russia run deep. The country's economic woes are the result of 74 years of communist mismanagement and almost eight years of half-hearted reforms under the post-communist regime. A number of interconnected problems combined to generate the current systemic failure of the Russian economy.
The first problem Russia faces is fiscal and budgetary. The country has been running up large budget deficits (7.5 percent of the GDP). It has a complex, punitive, and arbitrary tax system. To make matters worse, the tax collection system is failing; it is mismanaged, corruption is rampant, and the tax base is extremely narrow.
The second problem is structural. Russia's GDP has declined for six years since 1992, and the country has yet to experience meaningful economic growth in the post-communist era. Its industrial base is obsolete; it is not uncommon to find machinery in Russian factories dating as far back as the 1920s, while equipment from the 1970s is considered modern. Russian finished goods are of such low quality that they often are not competitive in the domestic market, let alone on the global scene.
The third problem is the lack of bank financing and venture capital needed for economic growth. With property rights insecure, and operations with government bonds and hard currency extremely lucrative, the Russian banks have invested little in industry
The fourth problem is the lack of governance and management expertise necessary to run a modern market economy and a democratic society.
The fifth problem is the lack of a functioning legal system and mechanism to enforce dispute resolution. The legal system is still unfinished; the judges are undertrained and often incompetent; the court system is corrupt.
The courts, moreover, lack the support structures to enforce their decisions and collect fines. Filling the vacuum left by the state, organized crime has come to play a major role in commercial dispute resolution and the enforcement of court rulings. Again, this was an important cause for the low level of foreign and domestic investment, as well as being a contributing factor in capital flight.
Finally, there is the issue of the business culture and the lack of a business ethic.